Peter Gerlich, Wolfgang C. The Austrian Cabinet since The Politics of Privatisation in Austria. Stability and Change of Social Partnership in Austria. Bubendorfer, 'Rule-Breaking in the Austrian Cabinet: An International Journal , Vol. Delia Meth-Cohn and Wolfgang C. Victim of Its Own Success? Of Class, Populars, Catch-All? Also published in Wolfgang C.
Thomas Saalfeld and Wolfgang C. Gerda Falkner, Wolfgang C. Also published in Lawrence D. Longley and Reuven Y. Antworten aus koalitionstheoretischer Sicht. Marcelo Jenny and Wolfgang C. The Case of Austria. Bernhard Miller and Wolfgang C. Ulrich Sieberer, Wolfgang C. Thomas Meyer and Wolfgang C. Laurenz Ennser-Jedenastik and Wolfgang C. Personalized Constituency Campaigning in Austria. Keh, and Wolfgang C.
A New Approach Applied to Austria, Das Auslaufen eines Modells. Ulrich Sieberer and Wolfgang C. Alejandro Ecker, Thomas M. Meyer, and Wolfgang C. The Impact of Party Environments. How political parties communicate though their manifestos. Thomas Poguntke, Susan E. Webb, with Elin H.
How Parties Organize in the 21st Century. Book Chapters Wolfgang C. Reprinted in Wolfgang R. Grundlagen, Strukturen , Prozesse. IIVG discussion paper 86— Peter Gerlich and Wolfgang C. Updated version in second edition: Westview Press, , pp. Herbert Gottweis and Wolfgang C. A Crisis Resolved or a Crisis Postponed? Political and Policy Responses. Completly revised and updated in 3rd edition , pp. Peter Lang, , pp. Katz and Peter Mair eds. Actes Sud, , pp. London and New York: Francis Pinter, , pp. Pressures, Problems and Paradoxes.
Il Mulino, , pp. The Political Economy of Institutions and Decisions, ed.
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Anton Staudinger, Wolfgang C. Neutral Chairmen or Assets of the Majority? Frankfurt and New York: Ulram and Wolfgang C. Manz, 3rd edition, , pp. Burkert-Dottolo and Bernhard Moser eds. Verlag der Politischen Akademie, , pp. Political Parties Behind Closed Doors. In order to do that it must collect comprehensive information about each individual citizen and build up executive capacity to effectively avert every plausible threat that could emerge from such norm violations.
Angelika von Wahl
But such a transformation changes the very character of the state that now needs to regard all of its citizens as potential violators of legal rights who need to be watched with suspicion. While those attacks did not cause the transformations directly—some technological and structural changes were already under way, caused by leaps in information and communication technology ICT and supranational integration, respectively—the issue of domestic security was thrown into sharp relief on that day.
To parse these numbers further, a quarter of this manpower and a third of the spending are devoted to counterterrorism programs Gellman and Miller Caidi and Ross ; Patman ; Held This section will, in a generalized fashion, discuss three particular developments that stand out: Together they have transformed the situation in this field substantially, even when compared to the state of the field only three or four decades back. Although the airplanes used as weapons in the attacks of September 11, had started on US domestic territory, the events were perceived by the US and most of the international community as a foreign attack.
Since the terrorists had been foreign nationals, defining their attacks as a foreign-guided attack was plausible. But this new threat from individual or small groups of terrorists could not be countered by the traditional means of protecting territorial integrity at national borders, since armies, airplanes, and battle ships were of limited help. The defense against potential new attacks thus had to take place at territorial border controls, harbors, and airports, and therefore by means traditionally in the realm of the police forces.
As a result, the decades-long process in which the importance of these borders had declined through processes of economic integration was reversed, and borders changed their character Andreas Challenges to the governance of migration had already arisen from European integration and the internal market project in the s, and both have since contributed to a process of tighter regulation, digitization, and securitization Broeders and Hampshire To do this without interrupting economically important transactions and tourism, processes of black-, green- and grey-listing travelers were employed Andreas Increasing the number of personnel working in this area and employing new technological solutions were the preferred strategies for making border controls as reliable as possible, because even a small number of false negatives—that is, unidentified terrorists—could cause serious harm.
However, since the fortification of borders and the detailed control of both goods and persons crossing them threaten to interrupt the exchange of goods and thereby endanger economic welfare, squaring that circle is an ongoing challenge.
An example from the month after September may serve as an illustration: The changing nature of borders and the blurring of the distinction between domestic and foreign policy thus results in costs both for business and individuals, making it clear that the quest for increased security exacts a price in terms of economic welfare. The changing nature of borders and the evaporation of distinct domestic and foreign policy areas was also reflected in a shrinking distinction between internal and external security on the executive level of the state.
The long-established distinctions between police work law enforcement , domestic secret service work protecting the constitutional order , and military tasks protection against external threats increasingly began to dissolve. These developments have been debated under headings such as homeland security in the US or new security architecture in Germany. Besides organizational changes, these developments have also been the cause of changes in state power structures, especially in federal states.
Generally speaking, they led to a centralization of competences, which has often been justified by functional requirements. According to that argument, due to the central role that information—about persons, organizations, facts, etc. The changing security structure can be observed in the further centralization of bureaucratic competences and in a strengthening of the federal level in federal countries such as the US and Germany Lange Twenty-two agencies, with a total of , workers in departments ranging from the Customs Service and Immigration Services to the Coast Guard and the Secret Service, were brought under this new department, when previously they had been under half a dozen different departments Kettl By sharing work that was formerly delegated specifically to the police, the secret service, and the military, boundaries have been broken down in an effort to enhance efficiency.
However, this has caused practical problems of coordination, and it is also problematic from a constitutional point of view. The separation of tasks between these areas and their separate agencies is linked to the restriction of state powers and the protection of civil liberties. Consequently, more and more institutions share a self-interest in strengthening and extending all aspects of domestic security, which may lead to budget-maximizing behavior.
This goes beyond the area of the state, for in the private sector a dynamic new industry has emerged to provide tools and instruments for surveillance and control technologies.
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In parallel with the general spread of ICT in society over the last two decades, agencies of the national security state have increasingly come to rely on such technologies for help with their work. They have built up enormous capacities to store data and link it with other data. Using data and signal intelligence has thus come to play an ever more important role in this area, which has contributed to worries regarding data protection; combined with the difficulty—as well as unwillingness—to distinguish between domestic and foreign sources of data, this has led to substantial political controversy as evidenced by the secret material leaked by former NSA contractor Edward Snowden in the summer of As mentioned above, ICT use was a popular way of dealing with the exponentially growing cross-border flows which—especially in Europe—were linked to increasing economic and political integration Broeders and Hampshire In addition, existing databases that had been built up separately were joined together—as in Germany, where a new anti-terror database links separate databases and protocol files and grants common access to all data stored in this new database to 38 different state agencies Busch When the Internet emerged as an encompassing technology in the s, states saw their sovereignty threatened and feared that governments would lose influence now that they no longer controlled communications networks, especially if strong encryption became widespread Nelson But much effort and expense has been put both into the ability to monitor communication and to read it: The vast build-up of ICT resources, however, creates its own problems, since information overload has become an acute challenge for counterterrorism intelligence Priest and Arkin This is not new: To illustrate the transformations described in the previous section, this section looks at select cases of national measures and adds to the information given above by putting it in context.
The focus will be on legislative and institutional change as well as political contentiousness. It drastically extended executive powers in such areas as the definition of terrorist associations, wiretapping rights, house searches, information on financial transactions and military tribunals, and it authorized US state agencies to demand extensive information from foreign nationals traveling through the US.
The CIA—the intelligence service for operations abroad—was now allowed to work on domestic affairs as well. Initially restricted to four years, the Patriot Act was extended for another five years in March , with only very minor changes, and again in The fortification of border protection through technical means could tap into political support around the issue of immigration.
These practices were also heavily criticized internationally, and thus they undermined the moral position of the US as a defender of the rule of law. In spite of widespread public support, the state also encountered some political defeats in trying to increase state involvement in security matters. The attempt to introduce a general and unforgeable identity card was rejected, above all because it triggered skepticism about a further strengthening of state powers. The Bush administration had tried to pass the Real ID Act in in an omnibus bill together with essential military spending and Tsunami help in order to overcome legislative resistance within Congress cf.
Ni and Ho Still, many of the states—including a number of those governed by the Republican Party—refused to introduce the respective standards for ID cards, and the measure has still not been implemented. Both omnibus bills contained a multitude of individual regulations that strengthened state capacity in the fight against terrorism, such as the abolition of the religious privilege in the law of associations, the outlawing of foreign terrorist associations in penal law, the facilitation of data exchange between the various security agencies, and an increase in funding for domestic security tasks and their agencies Busch In contrast to the US, however, Germany continued to define terrorism as a criminal act a practice established in the s.
A five-year sunset clause was attached to the breaking down of barriers between the domestic secret service the Bundesnachrichtendienst , the military secret service, and the Bundeskriminalamt , the German equivalent of the FBI. The measures had been largely non-contentious between the different parties in the German parliament, but critical reactions came from civil rights groups and data protection offices both on the federal level and the state, or Land , level. While the consensus between Christian Democrats and Social Democrats is repeatedly challenged by the more civil-rights oriented Greens and Liberals, this criticism is most acute when either of the latter two parties is in opposition cf.
Busch , , It should be noted, however, that that consensus has so far not had to withstand large successful terrorist attacks on German territory. The Constitutional Court struck down parts of the security measures as unconstitutional: The UK has had experience with Northern Irish terrorism for decades and with transnational terrorism in the attacks on London public transport in July Additionally, the position of Minister of State for Immigration, Citizenship and Counter-Terrorism was created, and the individual holding this office was, before , in charge of asylum and immigration issues.
The powers of the British state in the area of antiterrorism policy had already been considerable compared to other European states Grote Fighting terrorism stood above everything else, as Prime Minister Tony Blair declared in the parliamentary debate of the Prevention of Terrorism Act I think that the civil liberties of the subject are extremely important, but I think that there is one basic civil liberty, which is the right to life.
I think that freedom from terrorism is the most important consideration, which must be uppermost in our minds. Hansard , 9 March Substantial political consensus around this exists between the main parties, and the securitization of domestic policy goes even further, as a minister in charge at the Home Office discussed before an inquiry of the House of Lords: With no written constitution offering protection, the executive abrogated international conventions such as Article 9 of the General Declaration of Human Rights and Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights and detained terrorism suspects for years without charge.
While this met with strong criticism from the Law Lords, the government continued the practice of internment without trial by executive order. The terrorist attacks of September 11, opened the floodgates of the national security state. While structural and technological developments had already led to gradual change before, this event became literally a call to arms. States reacted quickly and comprehensively, with legislative and institutional measures to fight transnational terrorism.
The executives dominated, and little time was taken for deliberation or consultation. In many countries, security agencies used this window of opportunity to introduce measures they had wanted to see in legislation for a long time; this was, for example, evident in the volume of regulations that had been rejected by Congress in previous bills but passed in the Patriot Act Donohue Differences can best be explained by institutional and historical factors.
Among the former one can count the differences between federal and unitary political systems, with the latter facing fewer veto points to the implementation of government policy. In federal systems, central governments generally face more obstacles; if competences are neatly delineated, the central government has few possibilities to force the states to introduce measures they reject.
The Changing Architecture of the National Security State
In cooperative federal countries, bargaining opportunities and political barter may help. Written constitutions and strong constitutional courts are further institutional variables that help explain differences in reactions: Historical experience influences developments in the area under consideration here in the form of lessons drawn from the past.
Whether or not one conceptualizes the task at hand as a war has consequences for the spectrum of reactions considered acceptable Katzenstein Prior experience with—more national forms of—terrorism thus plays an important role, as does existing legislation that introduces path dependencies into the set of possible strategies for the national security state. Given the international impact of transnational terrorism, attempts to fight it through increased international cooperation were at the top of the political agenda from an early stage.
However, while international and supranational cooperation does exist and has had some influence on national reactions, they are minor when compared to the national determinants of security-state developments described in the previous section. The goals of domestic national security require a degree of international cooperation if they are to be successfully achieved. But a number of obstacles have presented themselves in this area, leading to a practical level of supra- or international delegation that is clearly lower than in other policy areas, such as economic or trade policy.
Many policy reactions in antiterrorism policy center on flows of information. RFID chips can store data such as digitized photographs or biometric data , they can be read remotely, and they make it almost impossible to forge passports. In , the recommendations were accordingly amended, and the US and many other countries quickly added the new technology to their passport—in spite of the security problems inherent in that technology Weinberg Through the Aviation and Security Act of September , the US had legally obligated all airlines touching its territory to submit comprehensive information about their passengers, the so-called Passenger Name Records or PNR.
Since these contain highly personal data, a conflict with European data protection regulations ensued. Ultimately, the US managed to impose its will in terms of data access and storage, but only after a lengthy conflict Busch Relations between both sides were soured when the Europeans discovered that the US government had managed to obtain detailed records of worldwide financial transactions in its quest to track terrorist funding.
In spite of the shared goal of fighting transnational terrorism, a broad spectrum of interactions, ranging from cooperation to conflict, has thus been visible on the international level. Different, deeply rooted attitudes about data protection have contributed to this, particularly between countries on opposite sides of the Atlantic; in addition, little delegation to the supra- or international level has taken place in the area of domestic security policy, since states have little incentive to delegate in this manner. Whether compromises or political developments will move positions closer and lead to more cooperation remains to be seen.
The handling of PNRs—now also intended to be used in the EU—is an example that shows positions are not immutable. The blunt alternative President George W. The massive reactions described in this chapter have to be assessed in terms of their effects and their effectiveness. The quick and comprehensive legislation following and, in p. As comparative studies show, the strengthened penal provisions have only been used in a small number of cases—very few people have been convicted under the new antiterrorist laws Haubrich The extension of state capacities and data collection for the purpose of antiterrorism, in contrast, has grown drastically and now extends far beyond anything previously imaginable.
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A clear buildup of state surveillance and control mechanisms has taken place, even though assessments have cast doubt on their effectiveness NRC Consequences also have to be assessed in terms of how these security measures have affected the working of the democratic political systems that they were intended to protect. Past experiences have shown there to be effects: The sweeping surveillance of Internet communication by intelligence agencies was uncovered by whistleblower Edward Snowden in the summer of and criticized widely.
This is a positive sign of defense mechanisms against an overbearing executive.