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As yet, however, August Wilhelm was all deference. The minister of state, the courtier, the representative in one person of an aristocracy of the mind and of station, the director of the court theatre—there seemed no end to his attainments—could afford to be all things to all men and women. The intensity of his correspondence with Schiller, the almost daily notes that crossed between Jena and Weimar, could give the impression of an exclusivity, of a preoccupation with the aesthetic and the intellectual. And he was welcoming to the Schlegel brothers. Goethe was however no longer the lithe young man of his early Weimar years and with the gravitas of office he had put on weight.

In the winter of , August Wilhelm and Caroline were in Weimar. They visited Herder, whom they knew to be touchy and querulous, but found him charming and his Baltic accent delightful. Wieland, visiting Weimar from his self-imposed exile in nearby Ossmannstedt, was in a witty frame of mind. Not all of this was innocent. But for Schlegel, he was a useful link with Weimar, especially with Herder and Wieland, who saw themselves overshadowed by Goethe and Schiller and generally unappreciated.

Excellence was not being given its due; German literary discourse was dominated by the ill-disposed, by mediocrities, by superannuated talents, by mere specialists. Nicolai, Manso, Eschenburg, Ramdohr and tutti quanti. Philosophy was wreathed in Fichtean obnubilations. Goethe, in his short polemic Literarischer Sansculottismus 58 threw down the gauntlet to the detractors of Die Horen , the snipers, the deniers; those who would not allow that Germany might some day, like France and England, be secure in a culture supported by a mature society.

None of this was new. Friedrich Nicolai had said substantially the same thing back in For the time being, both brothers and Caroline nevertheless enjoyed good personal relations with Schiller, observing the proprieties of polite sociability. Now, Friedrich, taking over from where Reichardt had left off, began to review the issues of Die Horen in the much-disliked Deutschland.

There were two-edged comments on the Xenien and their effect on the more sensitive reader, for privately Friedrich was up in arms at their treatment of Reichardt. He was in good company: Not being able to harm Friedrich, who was excluded from Die Horen , he hurled his bolts at August Wilhelm instead. On 31 May, , August Wilhelm received this astringent message: It was my pleasure to afford you a chance to make an income, not given to many, in my Horen, by publishing your translations of Dante and Shakespeare, but now that I hear that Herr Friedrich Schlegel, even as I am rendering you this favour, is abusing them publicly and finds too many translations in the Horen, you must accept my excuses for the future.

And to release you once and for all from a relationship that must inhibit the frank and sensitive exchange of thought and opinion, permit me to break off an arrangement that under such circumstances is no longer natural and which already has too often compromised my trust. Shaken, he wrote straight away to Schiller, protesting his innocence, claiming not to have seen the review, disavowing any personal influence over his brother: If ever you have felt any bond of friendship for me, then please do not refuse my request to speak to you as soon as possible and plead my innocence in this most unfortunate mishap [ In the circle of my close acquaintances I must have implicit and absolute trust, and after what has happened, that cannot be the case between you and me.

There was fault on both sides. Despite the apparent finality of this exchange of letters, Schiller in fact did not bar Schlegel from further collaboration on Die Horen , or on his Musenalmanach, both of which were at any rate moribund and about to expire. But the damage was done: Schlegel did not take kindly to criticism.

It brought out a less attractive side: He was to be represented almost always to his disfavour or he was written out of the account altogether: There was, of course, some self-projection involved in this, the intellectual with universal sweep, radical, progressive. It did not mean that either Schlegel brother was about to abandon the security of his own studies and engage in active politics Friedrich much later saw fit to suppress his Forster review.

In fact, their interests were still fairly and squarely in literature or poetry in their widest sense, but nothing illustrates better their as yet divergent approaches that were to complement each other in the Athenaeum , than their respective reviews of Herder: It could be observed in the most primitive of peoples Amalie would have read Georg Forster.

It followed that rhythmic utterance, and eventually metre, were not later refinements, but belonged to the basic needs of human articulation. Thus all poetry, in terms of these origins, was essentially lyrical, with dance and song as the expressive form of what later became dignified with the name of myth. It is as if Friedrich, exuberantly postulating a history of Greek poetry, had need of some elementary instruction in metrical matters.

These his brother duly supplied. Addressing Friedrich in these private Considerations , he needed to become more technical. It is however interesting to note that none of these theories on synaesthesia and language colouration went into writings published in his own lifetime or into his lectures on prosody. The length of the review may surprise, but Homer had now come into his own; he was everywhere, an almost measureless subject. Voss was one of the few contemporary poets not to be treated with disfavour in the Xenien , indeed his epic poem Luise , that Homerized domestic life, had found high praise there.

It was a review of which he was inordinately proud. It had also been generally well received. He could now state what he would not have dared to say in He had not always done Voss justice and—a valid point— he had in done little translating himself, at least of this kind. It confirmed him as a great Romantic- hater. Schlegel, in his turn, never mentioned in print a factor of which he was subsequently aware and which could have mitigated some of his strictures: Voss in had been ill and the review had served to compound his physical and mental discomfort.

This for the moment set him apart from his brother Friedrich, yet it could be said that both brothers as reviewers complemented each other, the one in the universality of his claims, the other in the precision of his arguments. Friedrich August Wolf was always to remain for Schlegel an authority in matters of editorial philology: Schlegel in effect never returned to Homer criticism. A pattern was establishing itself already in the s: The Dante project is one of these, competing with Homer, then pushed aside as the next idea caught his imagination.

It did not mean that he was a fragmentist by nature, like his brother Friedrich: He simply took on too many commitments: A history of Italian poetry, with Dante at its centre, and a translation of Shakespeare, simply could not coexist. Furthermore, both Dante and Shakespeare involved verse translations, requiring concentration and attention to the minutest detail; they could not be hurried.

In Germany, people had been writing about Shakespeare for most of the eighteenth century and there had been two major attempts at translation Wieland and Eschenburg. Dante, by contrast, was hardly known. True, there had been prose versions in the s—by Johann Nicolaus Meinhard and Leberecht Bachenschwanz 95 —but Schlegel was the first actually to put Dante into German verse.

This deserves to be given its due, in the face of assertions that his translation is archaizing, uniformly elevated and stiff, where in fact it actually reads quite well. He could show his contemporaries, Goethe among them, that this technically demanding verse was possible in German and worthy of creative imitation. Its very publication seemed haphazard. With that, the Dante project was forced out by his fellow-genius Shakespeare. We know that Caroline, the co-translator of Shakespeare, also helped to keep the guttering flame of Dante alight before its final extinction.

Dante provided too good an opportunity for excursions. Thus readers of Die Horen could learn that Inferno was different from Paradise Lost or Der Messias , its characters human, its world restricted to Earth in the centre of which was Hell , not domiciled in some extraterrestrial sphere. As yet, he did not postulate a Catholic alternative, but that would come soon enough in the pages of the Athenaeum. Dante had also inspired Michelangelo: Schlegel mentions a terracotta basrelief of Ugolino and his sons by the Renaissance master.

Schiller, more robust, wanted to see Macbeth and Othello performed on the Weimar stage, but Schlegel could not or would not supply them. Horror and cruelty did not feature in his later lectures on Classical and Romantic literature, either; already his account of Dante in the Athenaeum in was much blander, smoother, Hemsterhuisian, while his discomfort with the aesthetically compromising in Shakespeare was still evident in his Vienna Lectures in The selections from Purgatorio and Paradiso meanwhile brought Schlegel on to more familiar and acceptable ground: A generation of translators, like Wieland or Eschenburg, would need to arise, or dramatists like Lessing, Goethe and Schiller, before blank verse could become established in German letters, and then often more Augustan than Shakespearean.

In all this Schlegel acknowledged Schiller as a model or mentor, if only grudgingly, especially after their estrangement. The Shakespeare project brought out most but not all sides of Schlegel: In the writings devoted exclusively to Shakespeare, we have none of the historical background that informs his Dante, such as the circumstantial recounting of the true story of Ugolino; there is, for instance, only the briefest of information about the sources of Romeo and Juliet , and then not the crucial point that it is an early play.


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Schlegel was not a Shakespearean scholar of the stamp of Eschenburg or—even allowing for his sometimes freakish attributions—Ludwig Tieck. Unlike Tieck, who at the age of 20 owned the Fourth Folio, he had no significant collection Eschenburg was a prodigious collector. There were, of course, personal reasons for their omission.

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Looking at the nine volumes of the Schlegel translation and assessing their significance, we may easily overlook the actual circumstances and the element of the haphazard and the adventitious that accompanied them and their occasionally cooperative origins. As we have seen, being a professional writer meant grasping every opportunity.

He followed this in with his fine critical essay on Romeo and Juliet. Pushing Eschenburg aside was one thing, and here Schiller was only too willing to abet Schlegel by publishing his extracts in Die Horen. It was to know no mercy; only the creative forces of the century were to have recognition. The Schlegel brothers, the one exalting Lessing and Kant, the other extolling Shakespeare, both elevating Goethe, gladly joined in this chorus until they found a voice of their own.

At no stage, however, did they admit how useful they had found the corpus of knowledge patiently collated by painstaking scholars like Eschenburg, whom Goethe and Schiller were in the process of excoriating. Herder was to write ruefully and resignedly to Eschenburg in that they both now belonged to a past era in literature and taste, and for the moment, that was true. Unger already had some interesting authors: The manuscripts of the twelve plays that have survived, tell their own tale.

The creative process can be seen in the successive drafts. Attached to the manuscript of The Tempest is the version of printed in Die Horen. In King John , there are new sections pasted over. In fact he left out some intractable punnings and some ruderies. Caroline made a clean copy for the printer. Schlegel never made even that concession. In Berlin from July until September , he was sent the manuscript packages and passed them on to Unger. He seems even to have done the proof-reading.

August Wilhelm, as well, had been assiduous in self-promotion. He wished to set out his translation principles, not in any systematic way, but in the free flow of critical writing. If the Voss review had been closely argued, rigorous, stiff pedantic, too , he would treat Shakespeare in more associative and accessible fashion. What better way to cause pleasure in both Jena and Weimar than by invoking Goethe himself?

Rather, Schlegel was concerned with the nature of creative genius itself: What it best does is to seize and give meaning to the real sense that creative genius places in its works and which is there as they take body in their essential shape, in complete, untainted form, in sharp profile, and thus to raise beholders who are less acute, but are receptive, to a higher state of perception. But only rarely has it achieved this. Caroline would be motivated by what he could do, not discouraged by what ultimately eluded him. The printed text was final, if the result of those compromises and accommodations, compensations and approximations.

Only in critical reviews was Schlegel willing to pass on insights into the actual translation process. He knew this from translating Hamlet but did not say so. Schlegel had already translated this line as. Im Herzensgrund, ja in des Herzens Herzen But let Shakespeare scholars concern themselves with these nuances. The translation can still stand up to any kind of analysis, the most favourable and even the most stringent or unfriendly. He must deliver an example: Caroline had copied it out for the printer; it opened the first volume of the Shakespeare translation in August Wilhelm, temporarily in Dresden, asked his brother Friedrich to present Schiller with a copy.

Schiller did not react, and his correspondence with Goethe did not mention it; it was also not one of the Shakespeare plays with which he felt a close bond. Goethe, who had known it from his formative years, noted it for a possible stage adaptation in , but the death of the designated actress caused him to defer the idea, eventually until True, the tragic outcome was inevitable, but so was the resolution and reconciliation of the action beyond the grave.

The Life of August Wilhelm Schlegel

August Wilhelm was, however, concerned to resolve them. One way was to place the lovers in some kind of capsule, emotionally, spiritually, linguistically set apart from the world and its conventions, even from the machinations of fate. The fascination with Romeo and Juliet did not end with Die Horen. Perhaps it is wrong in the first place to apply Wordsworthian or Goethean criteria to it. It was not just a question of the formal devices that he used: The correspondence with Schiller over the poem Prometheus —in the terza rima so recently displayed in the Dante translation—is not agreeable reading and shows Schlegel trying to worst Schiller with pedantry and pedagoguery.

Schlegel the poet did not shine with general subjects, those so current in aesthetic and poetological debate, like the role of the artist as creator and shaper of higher truth. Occasional poems, those dedicated to a person or object, did however bring out the best of his poetic powers, as indeed translation also did. His poetic powers looked different to aspiring poets: Zueignung des Trauerspiels Romeo und Julia [Dedication of the Tragedy Romeo and Juliet], written in correct ottava rima —and actually a good poem: Zueignung des Trauerspiels Romeo und Julia.

Wo findet ein unendlich Sehnen Raum? Sich innig fest an den Geliebten schmiegen, Sonst kennt sie keine Zuflucht in der Noth. Was auch die ferne Zukunft mag verschleiern, Wir werden stets der Liebe Jugend feiern. Receive this poem, woven of love and travail, And press it gently to your tender breast. What moves your soul is feeling that we share, What you withhold, I know it all the same.

Their lives, they vanished like a soulless dream! They feel their way, even in their boldest strivings, In darkness, and themselves they hardly know. Fate may oppress them or it may inspire them: Can longing without end be once contained? Love can alone give wing to earthly dust, And she alone unseal the door to heaven.

Alas, for her, the monarch of the souls, How often is she prone to envious fate! To part and to torment so many pairs Hate and pride conspire time and again. Danger, though, the weak will overcomes, While love is bold and full, when dangers press. But smiling dangers threaten her with worse, When she has conquered all the wiles of chance, And every flower learns of transience: Is there a hope then for the flower of flowers? They, as by magic caught in soft embrace, By fortune, peace and time are drawn apart, And, slipping free when others bear them down, Love drowns in bliss inside its very chalice.

But greater joys, when what one treasures most The heart tears with it to the realm of shades, And like a sacrifice to all-releasing death, The cup of joy, scarce touched, is poured away. They die, but in their very dying breath Love takes them up into the higher spheres. All this may help you to assuage your sorrow, The poem brings us back into ourselves. We feel it both, the thrill and joy of love, We speak it, knowing what the other kens: Together, bonded, is our lasting worth, A secret known to us secures our bliss.

Orphisch [Deep Orphic Words]? If so, it shows both poets operating within similar conventions, while at the same time transcending them. Schlegel was in reality dedicating this poem to Caroline: Professor Schlegel in love? Of that we can be less certain. A joint bond of sympathy and purpose unites them, but strong personalities can unfold and dominate the common endeavour. Does this describe the association in Jena from to ? Yet what was it that enabled people of the most disparate backgrounds to coalesce; what was the cement that bonded them socially and intellectually: It is not even possible to bring all these characters together in one place unless we use the convenient—if endearing—chronological liberties and rearrangements that Penelope Fitzgerald employs for Novalis in her novel The Blue Flower.

Novalis was based at the mining academy in Freiberg in Saxony, then the salt inspectorate in Weissenfels, and was only an occasional visitor in Jena.

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Only August Wilhelm and Caroline Schlegel and Schelling were actually domiciled in Jena for the whole period of to Fichte, Tieck and Schelling actually wrote nothing for it, Schleiermacher and Dorothea Veit relatively little, Caroline contributed only anonymously, leaving Novalis and above all the brothers Schlegel as authors, with a few associated friends joining in towards the end. The original contexts and contiguities were soon lost sight of.

In the course of publication history the three original octavo volumes of the Athenaeum were recontextualised and their contents scattered. Enshrined in editions of Novalis, Friedrich and August Wilhelm Schlegel, as we have them now, it is often hard to envisage the mixture of plan and improvisation that is the essence of a literary periodical.

It was in Berlin that he had the oversight of the Shakespeare translation and where he negotiated with Unger, its publisher. Reichardt himself was persona non grata in Berlin, but his house at Giebichenstein near Halle, romantically overlooking the river Saale, was, as already mentioned, a meeting-place at various times for most of the Romantics.

He doubtless gave Schlegel recommendations to various societies in Berlin, and Schlegel, gregarious and sociable by nature, would have taken them up. These contacts in themselves showed that Berlin was quite a different place from Jena or even Weimar: Some, like those restricted to the aristocracy, admitted only their own kind.

It was no doubt there that he met the redoubtable and influential Friedrich Nicolai, publisher and sturdy defender of the Enlightenment, ever on the lookout for young talent. It was here that Friedrich Schlegel first met the three Tiecks, Ludwig, Sophie and Friedrich, who were to play a prominent part in the affairs of the extended Schlegel family. Ludwig, who was to survive them all, was also the closest associate of both Schlegel brothers, but Sophie the writer and Friedrich the sculptor would intervene disproportionately in the artistic and emotional life of August Wilhelm.

For all of these works appeared anonymously. It may be that Friedrich was too preoccupied with his intellectual exchange with Schleiermacher, or Tieck with his close friend and co-writer of those outpourings, Wilhelm Heinrich Wackenroder, soon to die tragically young and to be the first in that Romantic necrology. Writing in , Schlegel would claim that he was the first to draw attention to Tieck and give him his due, and this was largely true.

Tieck would have agreed with his correspondent that the English had no real idea of Shakespeare, but he may have been less prepared when Schlegel dropped his guard and asked: He had met her in the summer of in the salon of Henriette Herz. Chafing under a loveless marriage—she had been married off to the banker Simon Veit and had two sons both in their turn to become leading Romantic painters —she had been attracted to this witty and brilliant younger man, while he, crushed since his teens under the weight of books, suddenly felt the forces of a belated youth bursting forth. While nobody would call Dorothea a beauty, her bright dark eyes compensated for conventional good looks, and her conversation and letters betrayed a sharp mind, and a skill with words.

As yet there was no question of separation or even divorce. Friedrich and Dorothea lived in open liaison not yet under one roof: If there were not enough scandal adhering to a relationship with a married woman seven years older than himself, her being Jewish added an extra element of piquancy. He needed an outlet for his own writings, now that Die Horen —to which he had no access as it was—had finally collapsed.

In a long letter of 31 October, to August Wilhelm, he set out his views on a remedy to the situation. He had a publisher in mind, Friedrich Vieweg in Berlin. That was the practical part.

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Who were to be the contributors? Themselves of course, perhaps Fichte or Novalis or Schleiermacher; they were to ask Tieck and hoped for Goethe. It was to represent the closest association, the union of two minds. There was to be an absolute consensus between them on matters of content perhaps with Caroline mediating in cases of disagreement. That would explain why even the groups of fragments that are a distinguishing feature of the Athenaeum , form entities in themselves, in the same way that the disparate items of criticism are marshalled into a coherent corpus.

It did not mean that the brothers put their all into this enterprise. There was clearly enough copy available for the number without the need for them to extend themselves. This might suggest a publication that took notice only of its own kind. It did not share his stated aim of breaking down the barriers between learned and literary discourse.

The focus was to be on art and philosophy, not, by implication, on political affairs, history, or religion, although these might feature under different guises. There was no interdict on contemporary events such as Schiller had imposed, although the journal was in no direct sense political, either. There is much in the Athenaeum that is impudent, much that contemporaries did not like and said so, but nothing that is directly seditious.

The whole Jena establishment, Schiller even, received theirs. This is the great triad of modern poetry, the inmost and most sacred circle of the classics of modern poesy. He was not entirely averse to this odorous incense offering, displeased as he was at the otherwise unenthusiastic reception of Wilhelm Meister which the Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung had taken no notice of. For Friedrich was fast learning that running an avant- garde periodical involved not only the high ground of an elite and its intellectual risk-taking. One had to contend with more mundane matters, the tergiversations of a publisher, a diminishing stock of copy, and the hostility of the general public.

Volume Two, once the practical matters were sorted out, was to be more varied, with more poetry and a large section of art criticism. Its message, set out stringently in the introduction and in larger print, for emphasis was mastery of the aesthetic and artistic basics, entering the temple forecourt propylea , before proceeding to the inner sanctum of art, which could only be achieved by a proper study of ancients and moderns alike. This would, as said, not become evident until late in Moving as they did between the main residence in Dresden and the summer palace at Pillnitz, a few miles upstream, the Ernsts somehow provided a base for their extended family.

They knew the same aristocratic circle of friends that Novalis frequented. Passing through Leipzig, he met the young Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling who was successfully negotiating for a post as professor extrordinarius of philosophy at Jena. As an experienced critic, he encouraged him to send a copy of the novel to Goethe. His main business in Berlin was, however, to negotiate with his fellow-Hanoverian and now famous actor-producer August Wilhelm Iffland. He had renewed his acquaintance with Iffland at a guest performance earlier that year in Weimar.

On 25 and 26 August, for just two days, the circle was united in Dresden.

There, as in so many reactions to the Dresden collections, the beholders saw only what seemed essential, what struck the senses, what seized and overpowered the beholder with awe and reverence and the frisson of religious devotion. Again Goethe in made a long list of the Dresden paintings and included almost none that the Schlegel group was impressed by. The lighting could contribute. Inspecting the statuary by torchlight, as the Romantics and also Schiller did, softenedcontours and accentuated forms. The collection assembled by the Electors of Saxony, mainly up to , was an eighteenth-century creation and as such suitably eclectic.

The other convert from the Schlegel family was to be the daughter of the staunchly Protestant Ernsts in Dresden, Auguste von Buttlar. It was in Dresden that Friedrich died in , in the arms of his niece, and it is here that he is buried. In a letter to Novalis, of some considerable frankness, Caroline dropped her guard and took stock of the situation. The Athenaeum had in her view come to a standstill. It had in any case been a mistake for the brothers to have got involved with a journal, and August Wilhelm should not have become a professor.

Ultimately, all this was to cost August Wilhelm his health and his marriage. For all that, university lecturing was not merely a matter of holding forth. When lecturing on aesthetics, he appeared on the lecture lists under philosophy with Fichte and Schelling. Ast handed his notes over to Karl Christian Friedrich Krause, later a philosopher influential in the Hispanic world, and these are the only full transcripts to survive.

The other lectures we must assume to be lost. It is even fair to say that these two pieces of art criticism are what put his personal stamp on the periodical. Whereas academic freedom was something that the nineteenth-century universities had to fight hard to achieve, Fichte in the eighteenth believed it was already his by right. None of these was an issue to which the Schlegel brothers, one already a professor and the other aspiring to be one, could be indifferent. This was only the beginning. Fichte had seized the opportunity of becoming co-editor of the Philosophisches Journal in In his former colleague Friedrich Karl Forberg sent him a contribution that seemed to postulate a moral and religious existence without the necessity of a belief in God.

Alarmed at what seemed to be the reduction of faith to a mere incidental, but reluctant to stifle philosophical debate, Fichte decided to append an essay of his own, setting out the notion of a world order dependent on the idea of God. Otherwise, Saxon students would be forbidden attendance at Jena. This was the main Saxon ducal house dictating to its Ernestine laterals in Thuringia. In considerable haste, he penned a brochure, extending to pages of print, his Appellation an das Publikum that came out in January , in 2, copies and with a double impress, Jena and Leipzig.

As it was, only Hanover followed the example of the Saxon and Thuringian courts. The ban on Hanoverian students studying in Jena, and the possible silencing of its star professor, would still have serious consequences for the university, the town, and the state at large. In , with his famous Speeches to the German Nation , events would be on his side, but not now. He wrote to the minister Voigt stating that he would rather seek dismissal than accept censure. Carl August, a dislike of intellectual demagoguery deep in his heart, found this a convenient means of being rid of a turbulent professor.

And so, on 1 April , having had students in the previous semester, Fichte found himself dismissed, shunned and humiliated. For a while, until he found suitable quarters for his family, Fichte actually shared lodgings with Dorothea in the Ziegelstrasse, an act of kindness but also of some forbearance, for Fichte held strongly anti-Semitic opinions. Life returned to normal in Jena and Weimar. Other pressing plans, of which part two of the Athenaeum was but one, crowded in.

Schlegel took note of one thing. Under different circumstances, this had also been the pattern of Die Horen. Ein Roman von Friedrich Schlegel. Intellectually, philosophically, the novel belongs in the world that Schleiermacher, Novalis and Friedrich Schlegel himself inhabited, where history, science and nature Novalis , religion and morals Schleiermacher and love Schlegel were elevated to universals and absolutes. These novels had plots of a sort , whereas Lucinde was episodic and unsequent. The reader might be drawn inexorably to scenes where the newly emancipated flesh and sportive sexual encounters caught the attention, not the philosophical and Intellectual arguments.

Dorothea had given up everything for the man whom she adored and worshipped, her civil status, her reputation and her material security. Caught between her religion and his, she did not wish to affront further her family by baptism, the necessary step to marriage. Moreover her estranged husband demanded custody of both of their sons should she take this step. Both Caroline and Dorothea wished that the novel had never been published, setting out as it did what was intimate and private and beyond articulation.

This was the germ of the Jena circle. It was the Berlin fraction that was initially so much in favour of this togetherness, for they were already accepted in the circles that mattered to them and—not insignificantly—they were dealing with publishers there. Caroline, no doubt speaking for all in Jena, had no intention of removing to a city that she did not know, with her husband a professor in Jena, as was Schelling. They had their own circle of friends and acquaintances, the publisher Frommann and his open hospitality, or the Paulus family.

In Jena, one could meet Goethe, usually over from Weimar on visits of two weeks at a time. Friedrich entrusted the Athenaeum to Schleiermacher, and it is in letters to him that we learn the most of events in Jena. Nearly all of the number was ready by July of that year, and the rest, for the remainder of its short existence, was effectively edited from a distance. Religion was to be the keynote of Jena. Already in May of that year Friedrich had told his brother August Wilhelm that the time had come to found a new religion.

Schiller they did not visit, and they affected indifference to the first performance of his Wallenstein in Weimar, while the whole group fell out of their chairs with laughter at his Lied von der Glocke [Song of the Bell]. Everyone seems to have known except August Wilhelm himself. He maintained excellent outward relations with Schelling, the man who was in reality cuckolding him. What was one to expect when Friedrich Schlegel in a fragment declared nearly all marriages to be but concubinage?

We need however to see all this in perspective. The literary feuds of the years to about —and we are not concerned here with rehearsing all of their tiresome and repetitive details—were just that: They were a Battle of the Books brought up to date. They bore only the most tenuous of links with those seditious political libelles that both scandalized and delighted pre-Revolutionary France or with the hurly-burly of Grub Street in London.

Goethe and Schiller in their Horen had wanted to be above the political fray. The Xenien waged war inside the Republic of Letters, while the Athenaeum steered clear of politics altogether, at most wrapping its historical and social discourse in poetry and myth. This was all to change once the Romantics had dispersed, the Schlegel brothers to France, and especially after , when poetry and art would be invoked to counter the humiliations visited by Napoleon on the German nation.

The hack-writer Garlieb Merkel had spread a rumour that Duke Carl August had reprimanded the editors of the Athenaeum. Already in the Romantics in Jena and Berlin had a foretaste of more scurrilous lampoons when Daniel Jenisch in his Diogenes Laterne , with singular nastiness, caricatured Friedrich and Schleiermacher for their association with Jewish women Dorothea and Henriette Herz, respectively. Kotzebue had a history of calumniations, and to these he now added Friedrich Schlegel. Friedrich Schlegel should of course never be quoted out of context, and this Kotzebue knew.

At its best, it had a wide distribution 2, subscribers and had maintained high standards of writing, as opposed to specialised scholarly discourse; and it had been a major force in the dissemination of Kant. Both he and Fichte came up with ideas, with slightly different emphases, for a so-called Kritisches Institut , a review journal that would reflect a more systematic ordering of knowledge and would accommodate the various encyclopaedic ambitions that the Jena circle entertained.

Its editorial board was to consist of both Schlegel brothers, Schleiermacher, Schelling, Tieck, and August Ferdinand Bernhardi, the Berlin schoolman and husband of Sophie Tieck, who was proving himself useful as an editor and reviewer. The break-up of the Jena circle put paid to the project. It would in any case have been difficult to tie some of its editorial board down, notably Tieck, who had promised contributions for the Athenaeum and had never delivered.

Schlegel, for his part, was to find himself setting out the order and subdivisions of knowledge, not in a review journal, but in his lectures in Jena and Berlin. The last part of the Athenaeum appeared in March of Caroline then fell seriously ill. Dorothea, a shrewd, although hardly objective observer of humanity and its frailties, tried to be even-handed towards her sister-in-law. Despite the differences in their personalities and backgrounds, Caroline had been the first to recognize Dorothea publicly and to ensure her acceptance in Jena circles.

August Wilhelm, she continued, had not been an easy partner to live with, but he loved Caroline after his own fashion and in a way that she never did in return. She had never been open about her relationship with Schelling, who had kept up a front of politeness to August Wilhelm while disliking him in private. Christoph Wilhelm Hufeland, the great Jena doctor and father of macrobiotics, treated her according to his tried and conventional methods, but Schelling, who in addition to the nature philosophy that he professed also had some knowledge of medicine, insisted that Hufeland try the fashionable therapeutics of the Brownian method.

Brownism or Brunonism, named after the Scottish doctor John Brown, saw health as the median state of excitability, based on the fundamental doctrine of life as a state of excitation produced by external agents upon the body, and perceived disease as consisting in excess or deficiency of such stimulants. Novalis was also a Brownian. An elaborate charade was set up, with Schelling leaving first for Saalfeld, a convenient half-way house.

On May 5, Caroline and Auguste left, accompanied as far as Saalfeld by Schlegel, after which they were to proceed independently to Bamberg. Schlegel returned to Jena, taking a detour via Leipzig, while Schelling, of course, was waiting in Saalfeld and saw Caroline and Auguste to quarters in Bamberg. Early in July, all three of them were in Bocklet, the Paulus family from Jena also. There was no secrecy, for on 6 July Schelling wrote to Schlegel that Auguste had taken ill.

Schelling apparently used Brownian methods, including the standard stimulant of opium, to try to bring her back to health. It was to no avail. On 12 July, she died, aged She was buried in the churchyard at Bocklet. She returned to Bamberg with Schelling, Schlegel hurrying there as soon as he heard the news.

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The accident of this Franconian journey, calamitous for all who took part in it, had brought him to the same South German cultural landscape that Wackenroder and Tieck had already experienced in , both of them Berlin Protestants brought face to face with the aesthetic splendours of the rite. Auguste he had loved as his own daughter and it was to him that the extended Jena circle expressed their condolences.

Now was the time for his friends to recollect his genuine paternal affection, not to consider whether this had been on his side only. Yet this stiff, formal, professorial man loved children and wished to have children of his own. Caroline and Schlegel travelled to Gotha, where her close friend Luise Gotter took her in. From now on they journeyed together, even slept under the same roof. Their letters remained friendly and tolerant, as they had been all along; but the marriage was over. The Jena circle was effectively at an end.

The Tiecks had left in June; Schelling continued as a professor, not in any close association with the Schlegel brothers, but not estranged from them either. But Jena, as a metonymic association of minds as they had known it, was over. Yet it was only as Schlegel shook off these idle polemics, the irksome attendants of the Jena association that he could turn, symbolically as well as in reality, to face the challenges of that new nineteenth century.

He announced, also in the same letter, the Ehrenpforte , of which he was to be so inordinately proud and which would go on to take pride of place in his Poetische Werke in In a sense that had its justification, for it showed what he could do, and all in a comic vein: One senses his urge to display versatility and if need be virtuosity.

It was part of a self-image that his autobiographical sketch of around sought to perpetuate. Specific subsets of diplomatics entail sigillography , the study of seals, and palaeography , the study of scripts.


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Byzantine epigraphy entails the study of various stone, metal, ivory, mosaic, enamel, and paint inscriptions. Byzantine numismatics entails the study of imperial coins and mints. Building on the gold standard of Late Antiquity, the Byzantine monetary system was, until the middle of the 14th century, based on a gold standard, and included silver, bronze, and copper coins. With the economic and political decline of the late period, the gold standard was abandoned in the final century of Byzantine history, and replaced by a silver-based system. Byzantine metrology entails the study of Byzantine weights and measures.

A great number of measures of length were used, including modified forms of the Greek and Roman units of the finger , kondylos, anticheir, palaiste, dichas, spithame, pechys, pace , fathom , schoenus field measurement , plethron , mile , allage , and an average day's journey. Byzantine chronology entails the study of the computation of time. According to the various Byzantine calendar systems , Year 1 AD. The Byzantine year began with 1 September, believed to be the Day of Creation , e. Dating according to indiction remained standard.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. August Learn how and when to remove this template message. History of the Byzantine Empire. Byzantine units of measurement. This list is incomplete ; you can help by expanding it.

Faith and Power — , Helen C. Metropolitan Museum of Art; New Haven: Chapter 13 Review Exercises. For example, sending information across the Internet is better understood when one understands that prime numbers are connected to credit card transactions; that compound interest is connected to student loans; and that the perils of radioactive waste take on new meaning when one understands exponential functions are connected to the disasters at Fukushima, Japan. The efficiency of the flow of traffic through an intersection is more interesting after seeing the system of traffic lights represented in a mathematical form.

These are just a few of the facets of mathematics you will explore with this text. Mathematics matters in education: Howe and his contributions to mathematics education. Cultural knowledge for teaching mathematics. The content knowledge mathematics teachers need. Knowing ratio and proportion for teaching. How future teachers reasoned with variable parts and strip diagrams to develop equations for proportional relationships and lines. Giving reason and giving purpose. Who are the experts?. Building on Howe's three pillars in Kindergarten to Grade 6 classrooms. Is the real number line something to be built, or occupied?.

What content knowledge should we expect in mathematics education?. Approaching Euclidean geometry through transformations. Curricular coherence in mathematics. Supporting and Engaging Mathematicians in K Education. Attracting and supporting mathematicians for the mathematical education of teachers.

The contributions of mathematics faculty to K education: A department chair's perspective mathematicians in K education. Supporting education and outreach in a research mathematics department. Howe's contributions to the international communities of mathematics and mathematics education. Renowned for his research contributions in the fields of representation theory, automorphic forms, harmonic analysis, and invariant theory, Dr.

Howe has also fundamentally deepened our understanding of the mathematics taught in the early school grades and has challenged and stimulated mathematicians and mathematics educators to work together to examine this part of the mathematical universe more critically and in imaginative new ways. This volume will help summarize and highlight Howe's contributions to several topic areas in mathematics education, demonstrating the possibility and importance of engaging mathematicians in high-impact research in mathematics education, and showcasing the importance of cross-disciplinary collaboration and exchange.

Scripting approaches in mathematics education: Introduction to the book, Patricio Herbst. A meta-mathematical narrative, John Mason. Gaining subversive insight into the school mathematics tradition, Dan Chazan and Shoshana Gilead.

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How discussion can augment personal narratives, Anne Watson and John Mason. Learning to summarize a problem-based lesson, Gloriana Gonzalez. Scripting as a multi-lens tool, Ami Mamolo. The use of classical dialogues in mathematics teacher education, Rina Zazkis and Boris Koichu. Looking back and looking forward, Rina Zazkis. Nielsen Book Data This book shows how the practice of script writing can be used both as a pedagogical approach and as a research tool in mathematics education.

It further provides researchers with a corpus of narratives that can be analyzed using a variety of theoretical perspectives. Various chapters argue for the use of dialogical method and highlight its benefits and special features. The chapters examine both "low tech" implementations as well as the use of a technological platform, LessonSketch.

The chapters present results of and insights from several recent studies, which utilized scripting in mathematics education research and practice. On Dialogue and Stories as Representations of Practice: Using the schoolwide enrichment model in mathematics: Summary A note to our readers Overview of the schoolwide enrichment model Developing mathematical talent in your students Math enrichment opportunities for all students: A note to our readers Overview of the schoolwide enrichment model Developing mathematical talent in your students Math enrichment opportunities for all students: Reflective and collaborative processes to improve mathematics teaching [].

Enhancing mathematics teaching from the teacher's voice: Enhancing mathematics teaching within schools and districts: Models and frameworks for enhancing mathematics teaching: Ernie, and Sherrie J. Enhancing mathematics teaching across multiple stakeholders: Steele ; Collaborating in a school-university partnership: Enhancing preservice mathematics teachers' development: The challenges we face in mathematics education today can only be overcome through thoughtful and collaborative effort.

This volume of Annual Perspectives in Mathematics Education APME focuses on collaborative initiatives that engage every level of the math education community, including practicing and preservice teachers, school administrators, teacher educators, and university mathematicians. Previous Next 1 2 3 4 5 ….